Selected random thoughts on Nigeria, By Ladipo Adamolekun (Update 509)

Selected random thoughts on Nigeria, By Ladipo Adamolekun has drawn renewed public attention as more details emerged from officials and eyewitness accounts on Thursday.

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Awo’s “People’s Republic”

I think Awo has done some original thinking – the type that is rare, even among academics. The chapters on “Focus of Government” and most of the sections on economic analysis are well-crafted. He deserves praise for this useful addition to the few quality works on Nigeria. – 24th January 1969.

Nigeria: Coalition Government for a Decade

Each time I reflect on the future political system for Nigeria, I feel that the overwhelming evidence is for a coalition government to succeed the military government. The Government and Opposition concept is not appropriate in our circumstances and we are not likely to be able to operate a one-party system. My thesis is that a coalition system falls somewhere between the two and suits our circumstances as a transitional system while we allow habits and values to form and eventually dictate which system we can operate. In fact, it may turn out that we operate a permanent coalition system.

A federal government composed of representatives from parties that have at least ten percent of all seats in parliament from more than two of the twelve states. [This would translate into six of the current thirty-six states]. Each state should be allowed to develop either a Government and Opposition system or a one-party system. Federal Government to have responsibility for guaranteeing rule of law and individual freedom. – Oxford, 17th January 1971.

On Behavioural Ethics

Although Christian ethics teaches that the self should come after “others”, the reality is that the vast majority of people put themselves before others and the very tiny minority who practise “self last” suffer. In my opinion, another Christian ethics is more logical and less open to abuse: Do unto others as you would they should do unto you. Thus, if you place others after yourself, be prepared to accept situations in which others place you after themselves. From experience, one is likely to be less shocked by adopting the latter. – Oxford, 19th September 1971.

Sports, Politics, and Economics

Rhodesia in the Olympics? I am definitely against. Although the idea of separating sports from politics is quite attractive, I do not think it is realistic. Those who make this point forget that sports are part of economics. (Germany has much to gain economically from staging the games). The claim that sports should be separated from politics would amount to asking for a separation of politics and economics. – Oxford, 18th August 1972.

On Murtala Mohammed Regime

“On the whole, I am very supportive of the Mohammed regime – a most unusual and somewhat embarrassing situation! I am surprised that I could support a national government for more than 6 months!! Some people think that we are already engaged in a revolutionary process. I am not so sure and I have my strong doubts. But I think that we are on the threshold of a nationalist revolution (without a socio-economic dimension yet): the government’s position on Angola, the genuine (sic) emphasis on national unity and the on-going attempt to evolve a new concept of public service. Well, time will tell whether or not we are already on our way to progress and greatness.” – Excerpt from a letter to a friend, 12th February 1976.

Postscript: Murtala Mohammed was assassinated the day after this reflection, 13th February 1976.

Government and Opposition

The so-called opposition leaders in Africa are not genuinely interested in idea-oriented opposition. They are simply interested in replacing those in power. In their defence, one can say that they really have no fundamental differences with those in power except to replace them. (A thought on Moroccan politics generalised for the continent). – November 1977.

Frankly, I do not know the answer to this question. Better still, I think that there is no one correct answer. There are probably as many answers as there are human beings who care to reflect on the question. Of course, there are a few general statements that one can make that could have widespread applicability. Happiness is probably a relative concept. No man is ever happy all the time. The ending to children’s stories of people living happily ever after is not a real-life statement or experience. But every human being does experience moments or periods of happiness. I have always felt happy anytime I am satisfied with what I am doing. There are some achievements that bring great joy to me and on such occasions, I feel great and happy. Then, there are a few things that provide continuous happiness – like a project to which I am deeply committed. There are also a few persons whose company I thoroughly enjoy and there is a sense in which I can say that they make me happy. Perhaps the really intriguing thing about this complex concept is the fact that what brings happiness to some can be the source of sorrow for others. But nobody ever desires to be unhappy and so we shall continue to search for happiness. – 30th December 1979.

Nigeria/Benin Relations

In the 1970s, a government company in Benin Republic was exporting huge quantity of cocoa, far above whatever the country produced. Nigerian Government protested and Benin Government liquidated the company. However, a private company emerged doing exactly the same thing. Two catches: (a) Government to Government protest could no longer be effective, and (b) new private company was owned by top leaders of incumbent “socialist” government in Benin! – Late 1970s.

Without doubt, the most commonly evoked term when it comes to affection is love. However, judging by the fate of marriages in different societies, human beings of all colours and of all sorts must have grievously damaged that term. Love is supposed to be the underpinning of marriage and since marriages crash in such large numbers, it is most likely that vey many people who claim to be in love do not really know or mean what they say. Or it could be that love suffers considerably from wear and tear. For some reasons, I’ve recently had to reflect on the terms, “respect” and “trust”. It appears to me that both terms represent concrete attitudes which cannot be frivolously invoked in the way the term love is used by every Dick and Harry in respect of every Ojo and Aina. At least, speaking for myself, I find that if I say I respect Mr A, whether he be a senior or a junior person, that attitude remains permanent.

The dimension of trust is more difficult as it requires some intimacy before it can be appropriately invoked. Also, unlike respect, it is more often subject to periodic strains and stresses. Someone who is trusted can behave in a manner to put that trust to test but if the same person is also respected, the feeling of trust can be restored. Any relationship that is underpinned by respect and trust is likely to be long-lasting. And come to think of it, should love not really be based on the respect and trust of the two persons concerned? Perhaps, the real explanation for the collapse of so many love relationships is the absence of respect and trust. – 8th January 1980.

Some say that women are the weaker sex. I think that this established “wisdom” needs serious qualification. Physically, the statement is almost 100 percent true. In the physiological sense, the correct statement will be to say that the female and male sexes are different. Perhaps, another sense in which an absolute statement can be made is the apparent subordination of women to men in Christian religion – several references in the Bible attest to this. However, as human beings, I have the impression that women are more complex than men. I also think that they are more fascinating and interesting. Just one critical illustration: in how many marriages is the man really the prime mover? Put differently, how many men marry their wives and how many women marry their husbands? – 28th February 1980.

On Political Activism

The political activist has a very unpromising prospect from the point of view of preaching and actually hoping to implement. However, such activists will have to accept in advance that their objectives will be as well achieved without their physical guidance. All this points to the importance of developing a body of ideas that others can struggle to see through. – 26th June 1980.

A humanist’s natural reaction to capital punishment is to condemn the action in the strong belief that taking the life of any human being should occur only in extreme circumstances such as warfare. It is in order to avoid any concessions whatsoever on the sanctity of human life that some humanists are pacifists and support total disarmament. As a humanist, therefore, I am appalled by the fact that Babangida Administration felt constrained to order the execution of General Vatsa, the Abuja poet, and nine others. However, as an informed observer of the Nigerian political scene, I am aware that given what the Administration’s spokesman claimed was planned by the alleged coup plotters and the imperative of political survival in the midst of the Organisation of Islamic Countries controversy and indecision over the fate of those who damaged the national economy, the death sentence was predictable. The obvious dilemma here is that while my head understands, my heart is wounded. The on-going political debate must focus attention on how best to eliminate political violence, including the violence that is implicit in a coup d’état. – March 1986.

Vision for Nigeria in the Year 2015 (1990-2015 Timeframe)

Improved quality of life for citizens; respect for basic human rights; achievement of social rights to education, health and housing; citizen empowerment in an open political process characterised by participation, accountability and transparency; respect for the rule of law (a society based on a functioning and predictable legal order); and orderly political leadership succession.

Pragmatic, eclectic road toward implementation

Consociational democracy, NOT fixed multiparty or government/opposition arrangement; promoting institutional pluralism; capacity building; private sector-led economic development; and decentralised institutions. – Washington, DC, 4th May 1990.

Decade of Democratic Change in Sub-Saharan Africa

Efforts aimed at “creating political order in Sub-Saharan African have yielded only modest fruits in a few countries in the region. (See Aristide Zolberg’s “Creating Political Order…” 1966, with specific reference to West Africa). It would be correct to assert that political disorder is the order of the day in the vast majority of the countries. Partly because political disorder has internal dynamics caused by the struggles between the forces of order and those who seek to perpetuate disorder, and partly because of the great democratic awakening in Eastern Europe post-1989, many SSA countries are currently under strong democratic pressures.

The one-party states, which had been imposed in many states as the guarantor of political order (also referred to as “political stability”, “national unity”, “national integration” and “nation building”) have collapsed or are collapsing without any regard as to whether the “guide éclairé”, “père de la nation”, “president a vie” is a politician in “agbada” or in “khaki”. The roll call is illuminating: Cote d’Ivoire, Liberia, Togo, Benin, Cameroon, Gabon, Congo, Central African Republic, Zaire, Zambia, Somalia, and Tanzania and so on. The one-party state has failed to deliver the key goods promised in its name: national unity and rapid economic and social development. The appearance of unity was mistaken for a reality. Social cleavages are natural and cannot be wished away. Lasting solutions can only be found through open debate, free social and economic exchanges and active participation by all groups within the society in the running of the country. In some cases, distinct cultural identities have to be acknowledged within a nation-state to be run under some form of federal, con-federal or consociation arrangement.

Notwithstanding the impressive record of economic growth in a few countries, it has now become clear that this does not translate directly into economic and social progress. More importantly, it is not sustainable unless it is accompanied by elements of a democratic political culture, notably respect for individual liberty, freedom of expression and of association, the rule of law and the accountability of the governors to the governed. The search for the best approach to the pursuit of socio-economic development simultaneously with the establishment of a democratic political culture is the challenge of the 1990s in practically every SSA country. Leaders who fail to make this their priority will be swept off the scene. There will be winners and losers. The preliminary scorecard will be interesting to read at the end of the decade. – 15th October 1990.

On Margaret Thatcher’s Fall from Power

There was an element of grandeur gaullien in the manner of her bowing out of power as announced in the media today. She leaves office at a time when a significant proportion of the British people would still like to see her continue in office and when her standing abroad, especially in the USA, is still very high.

I was never an admirer of the “Iron Lady”; no, far from it. Her refusal to support measures aimed at dismantling apartheid is perhaps the single most important issue on which I fundamentally disagreed with her. Her cynical support for sanctions against Iraq contradicts her so-called conviction that sanctions against South Africa would hurt the Blacks rather than South Africa. Of course, she was being disingenuous or simply dishonest. It would even be fair to assert that her position was racist. Another issue on which I strongly disagreed with her position was the joy she took in presiding over the decline of British universities. I was delighted when Oxford rightly denied her its honorary degree – to which she was automatically entitled as an alumna.

But it is undeniable that she transformed British society during her eleven and one-half years as prime minister. However, while her achievements in the economic sphere were substantial, she cared little for the weak and vulnerable groups in the society. The poll tax she introduced, a regressive tax that required millionaires and paupers to pay the same “personal charge” in lieu of the more progressive property tax, typifies the extremism of her monetarist economic philosophy. Significantly, popular protest against the tax is one of the immediate causes of her downfall.

Truth be told, I also had a grudging admiration for Thatcher as a leader. Self-confident, courageous, and risk-taking, she exercised to the full the powers of her office. Leaving aside the merits and demerits of the Falkland war, she led her country to victory with determination and confidence. In the male-dominated politics of Westminster, she held her head high and there was no real challenge to her leadership until the November 1990 leadership contest. (Some would hold it against her that only a small number of female conservative MPs made it into the cabinet under her). And on Europe, I understand where she was coming from and she might not be as wrong (in her Eurosceptic views) as some believed. I happen to share her reservations concerning a future federal Europe in which nation-states would really be relegated to a secondary position. The act of one leader in a group of 12 proclaiming loud and clear her disagreement leaves no one in any doubt as to her quality as a leader. Yes, she is clearly one of the great leaders of the last quarter of this century; and some might even rank her among the greats of the century. – Clermont Ferrand, 22nd November 1990.

On Consensus Politics

What is consensus politics? This is what I advocated for Nigeria in The Fall of the Second Republic (1985) and in the “Epilogue” to Politics and Administration in Nigeria (1986). While I made clear in both books that consensus politics means a categorical rejection of Government and Opposition in the Westminster tradition, I did not quite explicate what it would mean in concrete political terms. I regard the following as the distinguishing characteristics of consensus politics

1. The fundamental justification for consensus politics is that there is broad agreement among the majority of opinion leaders across political party divides over the broad goals of society: national unity and security, economic and social progress, individual liberty, including freedom of the press and human rights. Even when the details of approaches to economic development canvassed by competing parties are compared, the areas of agreement are usually very significant. Of course, there would be differences over methods and, in a few cases, over strategy, but acceptable compromises could be worked out.

2. Members of government would be drawn from two or more political parties who had competed in open, free, and fair elections. Normally, the parties concerned should control more than two-thirds of the seats in the legislature. The idea of consensus politics is compatible with all parties represented in the legislature agreeing to participate in running the government. The refusal of one or more parties to participate in government would mean that the consensus is somewhat limited but the incumbent government could still claim to be consensual to the extent that it leaves the door wide open to the other parties. If a party with a significant representation in the legislature insists on the tag of opposition then, there is only a limited consensus and the party concerned should be left to operate freely but not to see itself as an alternative government.

3. For a consensus government to emerge, a pre-requisite is freedom of the press and a culture of open debate and tolerance of dissenting opinions. It is through the process of open debate and the free expression of diverse views on politics, economics and society that the broad agreement over fundamentals would emerge very clearly. Even those who choose to take “extremist” positions should be free to have their say at all times without any restrictions. The only permissible restrictions would be the maintenance of peace and national security with operational guidelines that are widely publicised.

4. An independent judiciary which guarantees the rule of law, regulating relationships among citizens and those between citizens and the state. Normally, there would be a Basic Law (Constitution) which enshrines both fundamental human rights and the independence of the judiciary in addition to specific provisions on the institutions of governance.

5. In a multi-religious society, consensus politics would only be practicable if the secularity of the state is enshrined in the Constitution.

These five distinguishing features of consensus politics would merit further elaboration and refinement. – 17th April 1991.

Nelson Mandela, World-Class Statesman

A. Nelson Mandela is a politician who has principles and sticks to them. He is also a politician who accepts that politics is he art of the possible and is, therefore, ready to compromise. The balance that he has maintained between sticking to some vital principles and willingness to compromise since his release from prison in February 1990 marks him out clearly as a statesman. Perhaps the greatest illustration of this balance between principles and compromise was the manner in which he handled the “Natal problem” during the last six months of the march to freedom in South Africa. In particular, when the Kissinger/Carrington-led “brokers” came to help with this problem, he drew a “line in the sand” indicating that the election plan was an issue of principle, excluded from the brief of the brokers. Besides that, he was prepared to discuss any other issue. The brokers left South Africa empty-handed. The Inkatha Movement that was dominant in Natal capitulated and the elections were held. – 5th May 1994.

B. The news that Nelson Mandela has announced that he would not seek a second term as President of South Africa confirms his statesmanship. “In 1999, I will be 79 or so. I don’t think an octogenarian should be meddling with political affairs. I would like to give over to a younger man.” (Reuters, February 16/95). These are the words of a wise man, an honest man, a true leader, and a genuine lover of his nation. By this declaration, he turns the attention of competitors from himself to compete among themselves while he can concentrate his energy on the pursuit of reconciliation and reconstruction. It is just possible that he would be able to lay a solid foundation for a united and prosperous South Africa. It will be a testimony to what true leadership can accomplish. – 17th February 1995.

Elites and the Nigerian State

The swearing-in ceremony of General Buhari to an appointive position on March 22 at a time when another former military Head of State was being held in detention confirmed the total collapse of esprit de corps within the Nigerian military elite. With the collapse of the last strategic elite in the country, one can now affirm that the groups of elites in the country have become a disunity. The civil service, the universities, the judiciary, religious organizations and traditional rulers are all in disarray, characterized by inter-elite struggles and intra-elite conflicts. The situation is dangerously close to that captured by the French philosopher, Raymond Aron, in 1950: “A unified elite means the end of freedom. But when the groups of the elite … become a disunity, it means the end of the state. Freedom survives in (the) intermediate free zones” (italics added). Is the end of the Nigerian State nigh? – 23rd March 1995.

– Another former military head of state, General Gowon, was offered a lucrative appointive position in October 1995: chairman of Nigerian National Petroleum and Gas Co.

– A university professor accepts to be used, misused and abused by the Abacha regime. In addition to the ambassadorial position that he occupies, he also undertakes critical world-wide espionage tasks for the regime.

– Ojukwu, former leader of Biafra, is one of Abacha’s spokespersons.

– The leaders of the two parties created by Babangida are currently (October 1995) members of the Abacha government, in charge of the external affairs and internal affairs portfolios.

The cover story of Newsweek magazine of 26th June 1995 posed the following question: “Does Government Matter?” According to the author of the story, Michael Hirsch, “The State is withering and global business is taking charge.” He cited the rise in the number of multinationals from 700 in the 1960s to 37,000 in the early 1990s. And he concluded his story as follows: “for the foreseeable future, government will have to get used to being out of the way, rather than being in charge.” Hirsch obviously wants his readers to understand that the answer to his initial question is that government does not matter. He is wrong. Government matters. Notwithstanding the turbulence surrounding the modern state in different parts of the world, it remains the unit of analysis regarding international political and economic relations. Consequently, there are critically important functions that only the state can perform to create the enabling environment for both national and multinational enterprises to flourish. National fiscal and monetary policies as well as the broad policy framework for governance and economic activities, especially the framework of order, belong almost exclusively to the state. And the state also has an important role to play in the provision of infrastructure and social services as part of its responsibility for creating an enabling environment for development.

– 23rd July 1995.

“Action Plan” For Salvaging Nigeria

A British co-passenger on Ethiopian Airlines, Flt.960 (Lagos to Nairobi), asked me to explain to him why Nigeria was in such a mess. (He had visited the country briefly in 1987 and saw its tremendous potentials). After my explanation, he asked what I would do if I had to head a post-Abacha government for a four-year stint. This sharply focused question was posed when we were only 30 minutes from landing in Nairobi. The main elements of the action plan that I managed to develop during the limited time are as follows:

1. Publicly declare personal assets and announce voluntary exclusion from future contests for presidency. Set about identifying 20-25 very corrupt persons (“big fishes”) who would be punished promptly. Members of transitional government to publicly declare assets within one week of assumption of office. Declare corruption a public enemy to be attacked on all fronts.

2. First year budget to adopt sound monetary policy and focus on rehabilitation of social and physical infrastructures and targeted actions to reduce poverty. Guidelines on budget management to emphasize transparency and accountability. Subsequent budgets to have the same characteristics subject to phased additions to development programmes.

3. Redefine the role of the military to focus on ensuring the safety of citizens and embark on reduction of the size of the military (with involvement of military leadership). Immediate end to overseas military adventures.

4. Appeal to Nigerians overseas to return to assist in reconstruction and to invest in the country.

5. Organise a sovereign national conference (within six months) to determine the nature of the Nigerian state and reach agreement on broad national social, economic and political policies. – Nairobi, 16th June 1996.

After watching the last ten minutes of Game 2 of the 1997 NBA championship (Chicago Bulls versus Utah Jazz), I was struck by the total commitment of Michael Jordan, the captain of his team, to assuring victory for his side. At one point, after he had fallen down, he kept on struggling for the ball until he succeeded in hugging the ball to his chest, thereby preventing his opponents from having the ball.

When I asked Ibitayo (son) to explain why Jordan played so hard (he had also watched the game at his friend’s house), he replied that it had something to with the millions that Jordan earns from the game. He also noted that Jordan came across as someone who loves to compete. I told him that I saw Jordan as someone who enjoyed what he was doing and, therefore, applied himself fully. When I raised this issue with Kemi (wife), she said that she saw Jordan as an athlete who likes to excel. Strikingly, all the points we emphasised are mutually reinforcing: love of competition and excellence, self-application because of real joy in playing the game, and huge pay as a powerful incentive for good performance. – 5th June 1997.

No one who has watched some of the ongoing World Cup football competition in Paris (France 98) would consider the following answer adequate: for entertainment. Of course, there has been entertainment galore with some artistic displays and displays of courage and commitment. Since one normally expects these features, it is the strong links to politics and business that are particularly striking. As is the case in the US where unsuccessful coaches lose jobs, several of the coaches whose teams did not make it to the sweet sixteen were fired even before the defeated teams returned to their home countries. Prime Minister Jospin of the host country attended the second round match played by France and he was joined by the president at the quarter-final match. They are also certain to attend both the semi-final and final matches. Protocol would oblige them to attend the final even if France fails to reach that stage. This could make France 98 the competition where the president and/or prime minister of the host country attended the most matches. And this would be an important statement for sports as politics. As for the business dimension, the advertisements and the discussions of television fees and future fees for players are reminders of the attention paid to revenue generation. – July 1998.

Nigeria: The Militaro-Feudal Alliance

During the long years of military rule, the Christian military officers from the middle belt (North-central geopolitical zone), have been in alliance with their Hausa-Fulani colleagues and the Hausa-Fulani feudal elite (including the modernising wing, called the “Kaduna Mafia”). For the Christian military officers, religion appears not to be an important factor. What matters is effective sharing of power with the two other groups in the alliance. Roll call: Jeremiah Useni, Theophilus Danjuma, Domkat Bali, Joseph Garba, John Shagaya, Joshua Dongoyaro, David Mark… A few dissenting Christian officers from the middle belt have been unable to challenge the majority that favours the alliance as the right thing to do. However, the high level of poverty in the middle belt and the overall underdevelopment of the zone show that military officers have never cared about the interests of the mass of the population in the zone.

No date (circa mid to late 1990s).

On Political Leadership

In Kenya, the phenomenon of formal and informal leadership groups with the chief executive (president) atop of both was described to me by a local observer in late 1998, shortly after I arrived in the country for an external service assignment. I immediately thought of a similar situation I had observed in Chad in 1997/98. It could also be found in any of a significant number of other Sub-Saharan African countries of which I have been a student/observer: Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Nigeria and Senegal, to mention a few. The members of the informal leadership groups are drawn from political parties, ethnic associations, secondary school networks, or religious organisations. Usually, it is only members of the formal leadership group who also belong to the informal group that can confidently exercise power. Of course, there would be some exceptions (e.g., Professor Ransome Kuti in Nigeria under Babangida did not belong to Babangida’s informal group but he confidently exercised power in his sector). In contrast, key players in the informal group could have greater influence on events than many members of the formal power group (e.g., Abacha’s son was widely acknowledged as having exercised more power than the nominal no. 2 of the regime, General Dipo Diya). Understanding the dynamics of the formal/informal power nexus is critical to a good understanding of governance in many SSA countries. – December 1998.

The Fall of Indonesia’s Suharto

After 32 years as president of Indonesia, Suharto was forced to resign in disgrace. The economy of the country was in a shambles and the social fabric had been shattered by several weeks of unrest. The immediate cause of his departure was the riots spearheaded by students in response to the negative economic and social consequences of the economic policy reform that he pushed (at the suggestion of international financial institutions) to arrest the collapsing economy. The students, and the have-nots in society who joined them, also demanded political reforms – an end to Suharto’s long rule, increased political participation, reduction of corruption, and more transparent and accountable government.

In the final phase, religious leaders and the Speaker of Parliament supported the call for change and the military was divided with most of the leadership supporting Suharto while the foot soldiers sent to control rioters demonstrated solidarity with them. A significant number of retired military officers also supported the Suharto-must-go movement. Suharto’s final effort to control the situation through a proposed 6-month transition “plan” (he would reverse the economic decline and organize fresh elections in which he would not be a candidate) was rejected. To avoid the kind of bloodbath that ushered in his own reign, he accepted to resign. It would appear that the military leadership, too, urged his resignation in order not to go down with him.

There are several lessons from the Suharto story: an autocratic regime that achieves significant economic growth and poverty reduction is NOT sustainable; beyond a certain threshold of economic and social well-being, people would demand increased political participation and focus on the quality of governance; and successful management of the social consequences of drastic economic policy reforms require social cohesion and a legitimate government (cf. South Korea with social cohesion and a new “legitimate” democratic government and Thailand, characterized by social cohesion and a legitimate government). – 1998.

I still hold him in great esteem. A ride through Accra confirmed my respect for him. He built Ghana in a manner that none of his contemporary African leaders managed to do in their respective countries. His invaluable contributions to the liberation movements on the continent, as well as his pan-African vision continue to enjoy continent-wide praise. – 16th March 2003.

On Civil Service Systems

Career civil service systems are almost invariably conservative institutions. They are essentially conceived of as status quo maintenance instruments. Innovative and creative ideas aimed at transforming the existing realities of a given polity normally emanate from competing political forces. When the political forces fail to perform satisfactorily within a polity, the civil service institution does NOT fill the vacuum; rather existing policies are continued with or without minor incremental changes. But when a political team seeks to transform the realities of a given polity, the natural instinct of the civil service is to resist the change. The political leadership team could either devise methods of bypassing the civil service or take on the challenge of transforming the civil service into a change agent. – 29 April, 2003.

There are strong similarities in the competitive spirit (“fire in the belly”) of politicians and sports men and women. Maybe it is not different in other areas of endeavour such as business and academia. However, the competition in politics and sports is more public than in the other areas. – July 11th 2004.

Addendum: Losing in any competition, especially sports and politics, is almost always tough to accept. – 6th September 2023.

‘Ladipo Adamolekun writes from Iju, Akure North, Ondo State.